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Rise and Fall of the Fujiwara
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JLBadgley
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 10, 2008 9:45 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
On the nose. Do you have anything more on him? Inoue goes into his basic history, so I'll get to that later.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 6:39 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Before going much into Fuhito, I want to take a look real quick at Nakatomi or Fujiwara references in the rest of the Nihongi:

In 673, we catch our next glimpse of Fujiwara fortunes. When he is raised to the throne, the consorts of Emperor Temmu are listed. One of them is "Lady Higami no Iratsume, daughter of the oho-omi, Fujihara... [who] bore to [Emperor Temmu] the Imperial Princess Tajima."

So there had been some intermingling between the progeny of Kamatari and the Imperial line.

We also see that the Nakatomi have not entirely disappeared from the scene, as they are shown on the 5th day of the 12th month of 673, conducting religious services along with the Imbe.

Things remain quite until 681, when, on the 16th day of the 3rd month, "Ohoshima, Nakatomi no Muraji, of Upper Daisen rank" is noted as one of the scribes of what would become the Kojiki. Upper Daisen rank is a middling rank in the hierarchy of the time. See my post on ranks of the time.

(Note: from J-Wikipedia it appears that this fellow may have been a son of Nakatomi no Kome, though I haven't seen anything to substantiate that)

He pops up again as receiving Lower Sho-kin rank on the 29th day of the 12th month.

In 682, Fujiwara's daughter, Lady Higami, dies on 18th day of the 1st month. She is buried at Akaho nine days later.

In 683, on the 23rd day of the 9th month, there is an award of 'Muraji' to 'Fujiharabe no Miyakko'. I would suspect unrelated to any in our current study.

Then, on the 23rd day of the 12th month, we see "Ohoshima, Nakatomi no Muraji, of Lower Shokin rank" sent along with others to note the boundaries of the provinces.

In 684, Emperor Temmu reforms the Kabane and Rank systems. He proceeds to re-title various families. What is important here is not so much what we see, but the omissions. Nakatomi no Muraji are granted 'Ason' (or 'Asomi', the second highest kabane in the new system; Omi and Muraji having become the lowest), becoming Nakatomi no Ason. An apparent branch group, Nakatomi no Sakabito no Muraji, are elevated to 'Sukune' (the third highest ranking). In the 100+ houses that are mentioned, the Fujiwara (or Fujihara) are nowhere to be found.

HOWEVER...

686, in the first month of Shucho: "In this month... Ohoshima Fujihara no Ason, if Jiki-dai-shi rank... [et al] were sent to Tsukushi to entertain Kim Chi-syang, of Silla."

So, this would seem to indicate that the Fujiwara name had possibly come back into fashion? Why would he have been referred to as Nakatomi up until this point, unless we are talking about a different character?

He also appears under this name on the 28th day of the 9th month of the same year, when he eulogizes the recently deceased emperor.

In the next chapter, in the 10th month, 2nd day, there are arrests made in the matter of the treason of Prince Otsu (Ohotsu). Among those arrested were "the Ohotoneri Omi-maro, Nakatomi no Ason". I'm assuming this to be a different person than Ohoshima. Only Prince Otsu was put to death, btw. The rest were pardoned by the new Empress Jito.

In 687, on the 28th day of the 6th month, Ohoshima, Fujiwara no Ason appears again, this time taking a gift of robes made from the late Emperor Temmu's garments to monks at Asuka temple. He is also found, in the following year, on the 22nd day of the 3rd month, pronouncing a eulogy.

In 689, on the 26th day of the 2nd month, we see mention of "Fubito, Fujihara no Ason" as well as "Omimaro, Nakatomi no Ason" (from the Prince Otsu incident?) are made 'judges'.

In 690, we are back to using "Nakatomi": "Nakatomi no Ohoshima no Ason, Minister of the Department of Shinto Religion recited (a prayer invoking) blessings from the Gods of Heaven."

In 691, on the 13th day of the 8th month, Empress Jito requested houses deliver up their ancestral records. The houses she asks this of:
Oho-miwa
Sazaibe
Iso no Kami
Fujihara
Ishikaha
Kose
Kashihade be
Kasuga
Kamitsukenu
Ohotomo
Ki
Abe
Saheki
Uneme
Hodzumi
Adzumi
Heguri
Hata

Notice that 'Fujihara' is used, but where are the Nakatomi?

Still, on the 24th day of the 11th month, the head of the Jingikan is again referred to as 'Ohoshima, Nakatomi no Ason'.

693, on the 11th day of the 3rd month, Ohoshima Fujihara no Ason was granted the rank of Jiki-dai-ni and given compensation for funeral expenses.

Then, on the 4th day of the 6th month, our friend Omimaro is back, but now it is Omi-maro, Fujihara no Ason, receiving the rank of Jiki-kwo-shi.

'Fujiwara-kyo' (The Palace of Fujihara--also referred to as Yoshino) is finally occupied in 694, though Empress Jito had been visiting the site on and off for years. Not sure that there is any real link other than Fujiwara no Kamatari having once lived in the same area.

696, on the 22nd day of the 10th month, Fubito, Fujihara no Ason, of Jiki-kwo-ni rank, is granted 50 retainers


There are even questions as to whether the next character in our study Fujiwara no Fuhito (or Fubito) is even the actual son of Fujiwara no Kamatari, though I have no reason at this time to doubt it. And whether or not the Nakatomi and Fujiwara eventually merged together as the Fujiwara family, it will be shown that it was Kamatari's descendants, through Fujiwara no Fuhito, that are of chief importance in the coming eras.


-Josh

PS: Here's a link to the ja-wiki article on Ohoshima if anyone is interested:

http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E4%B8%AD%E8%87%A3%E5%A4%A7%E5%B3%B6
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 1:55 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
This is fantastic stuff, Josh, making some sense of a very tenuous and complex period.

Here's some more on Fuhito:

Fuhito (659-720) was the son of the famous Nakatomi Kamatari (614–669), who was granted the new surname Fujiwara as a reward for having helped plan the coup d’etat that brought the emperor Tenji to the throne. Because of his father’s prestige, Fuhito was given high court rank.
Fuhito was the first to use the new name. And it was he who, by arranging the marriage of a daughter to Emperor Shômu, began the policy of attaching his own family to the imperial family. Fuhito’s four sons each established a branch of the family, the South, North, Ceremonial, and Capital lineages of which the Hokke, or Northern Branch, was to become the most influential. (Wikipedia gives this son’s name as Fusasaki (681-737))
In 701 Fuhito headed the committee that drafted the Taihô code. Consisting of 11 volumes of general laws and 6 volumes of criminal laws, it was the first comprehensive law code promulgated in Japan. Revised in 718, it was then retitled the Yûryô code.
Two of Fuhito’s daughters became Imperial consorts, and the emperor Shômu (reigned 724–748) was his grandson—this marital connection between the Fujiwara and Imperial families was the basis of the Fujiwara’s rise to power. All of Fuhito’s four sons died in a smallpox epidemic in 737, resulting in a temporary eclipse of the family’s fortunes. Their sons and grandsons continued the line, however, and, by the middle of the next century, the Fujiwaras dominated the court.

The above is mainly from Britannica: Shômu seems to be both his son-in-law and his grandson, but maybe that is possible in the murky world of the early Fujiwara. Confused
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 3:17 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
I think the murky part about this period--especially in English--comes from our lack of sources. The information below, matching up with Heron's information above (as it is above, so it is below...), comes from Michiko Aoki's interpretation of Inoue Tatsuo's "The Hitachi Fudoki and the Fujiwara" (emphasis original), found in Piggott's Capital and Countryside in Japan, 300-1180.

The Hitachi fudoki is contemporary with the Nihongi and Kojiki, being likely assembled between 715 and 723. I imagine this is where a lot of the information on the early Fujiwara comes from. According to Inoue:

Fuhito was accepted to be the son of Nakatomi no Kamatari. If you hadn't pieced together from some of the information above, he was about ten years old when his father passed away, and thirteen during the Jishin war. With the bad fortunes of the Nakatomi (Nakatomi no Kane having been executed at the end of the war and his children banished), Fuhito appears to have taken refuge with Tanabe no Osumi in Yamashiro. Osumi was a scribe (fuhito) from which likely comes Fuhito's name. I would also note that it is a name that shows up often in the Nihongi--probably for similar reasons. He likely returned to the court as a scribe and a scholar, and by the age of 30 was appointed a judge (according to the essay the specific job title was kotowari no tsukasa or hanji).

Let's take a look at the political situation when Fuhito would have returned. First of all, the men in positions of high power were those who had helped Emperor Temmu in his military victory to gain the throne. While good in the field, just what was their experience in administration? Emperor Temmu, Inoue argues, would have needed capable scribes to help run the legal systems and keep the reforms of the past decades continuing on track.

I'll stop here to put a slightly modern spin on this, but I want us to think about what has happened and what the time span really is. 681, when the next mention of a Nakatomi shows up at court, it has been 9 years since the Jishin war, and 12 years since Kamatari's death. That puts Fuhito around 22 or 23. Think back to the past 20 years and what has happened--this is the time span that we are looking at so far. Add 30 if you want, to get a complete picture.

At 22 or 23, I imagine that Fuhito would have been working his way up the bureaucratic ladder. It would have been a help to him that a relative, Nakatomi no Ohoshima is apparently making a name for himself as well.

Then, in 686, we see Ohoshima listed as 'Ohoshima Fujihara no Ason, of Jiki-dai-shi rank'. I'm wondering if the discrepancies, above, could indicate the records that the Nihongi was drawing from. If so, perhaps this is a reference to when Fuhito arrived at court, possibly under Ohoshima's protection, and thus the passage comes from the records of the Fujiwara vice the Nakatomi. Just throwing out the idea here, because it still makes little sense to me why Ohoshima continues to have his name switched back and forth over the next decade.

But back to Inoue:

According to him, Fuhito made quite an impression on the future Empress Jito; enough so that when she became Empress after her husband's death, he was one of 6 men hand-picked to aid her. Fuhito is still only about 31 years old at this point.

Empress Jito also chooses Fuhito as the guardian for her grandson, who would eventually become Emperor Mommu, who would succeed Empress Jito. Jito was quite concerned for the well-being of her grandson. She abdicated in 697 (the end of the Nihongi), and would live for another 5 years after that. During that time, she allied the Imperial Line with the powerful families of the time, arranging three marriages in 698, one of them to Fuhito's own daughter, Miyako. The others were from Ki no Kamado and Soga no Ishikawa no Tone. Looking at the Nihongi, it is also interesting that these people have ties to the powerful families of the previous centuries, but they all appear to be indirect in many ways.

I would put out the question: Was Fuhito helped by the fact that, though he was related to the Nakatomi, he was actually a branch family and thus not the main line of the ancient and powerful Nakatomi family? He had the connections, but he possibly represented a new generation of political powerhouses.

Inoue continues: As a royal in-law, Fuhito's influence progressed apace. Even with the untimely death of Emperor Mommu in 707, under the rule of his mother, Empress Gemmi, Fuhito continued to advance. He came to the position of Udaijin in 708, placing him at the very top of the Ritsuryo system.

In his position, Inoue states, Fuhito was able to enact regulations and protocols that enforced the Taiho code and its new bureaucracy. Under him, the court brought much of the hinterland under control, regulating the various types and sizes of districts and other delineations of property. Not listing them all here, but Inoue mentions that by the time of his death, in 720, Fuhito "had helped create six new provinces and fifteen new districts".

Going on to another source in the same book, Fuhito had four sons (or at least four that became extremely prominent) from whom the four branches of the Fujiwara would eventually spring.

Fujiwara no Muchimaro (680-737) -- Head of the Southern Branch of the Fujiwara.

Fujiwara no Fusasaki (681-737) -- Head of the Northern Branch of the Fujiwara

Fujiwara no Umakai (694-737) -- Head of the Ceremonial Branch of the Fujiwara.

Fujiwara no Maro (695-737) -- Head of the Capital Branch of the Fujiwara.

Gotta run. More later. Here, have a court lady from Temmu's reign:



PS: All photos are being linked from http://www.iz2.or.jp, the web site for Izutsu san and his Kyoto Costume Museum. Absolute must for any Heian period afficianados!


Last edited by JLBadgley on Wed Jun 11, 2008 3:26 pm; edited 2 times in total
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 3:23 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
BTW, I should mention (if you haven't figured it out from my rather disjointed posting style)--my goal here is to collect information that we can sift through. Actually, I'll probably stop soon with Fuhito and try to give it a little while to digest and see if what things pop out at us from the evidence.

I'd also note, therefore, that when I muse within my ramblings it is often just that--musings. Things I'm wondering or thinking at the time. As I've not pre-read much of this material, much of what I'm writing is the first time I've really seen it, and my opinion has been changing even as I go through the different sources. Hence why I figure I'll need to take a break and digest everything for a bit.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 5:05 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
JLBadgley wrote:
I'd also note, therefore, that when I muse within my ramblings it is often just that--musings. Things I'm wondering or thinking at the time. As I've not pre-read much of this material, much of what I'm writing is the first time I've really seen it, and my opinion has been changing even as I go through the different sources. Hence why I figure I'll need to take a break and digest everything for a bit.

-Josh


I'm glad to hear that, because for the last day or so my head has been spinning like Linda Blair's sorting through the maze of names! Ancient Japan makes the parade of variant names in the Taikeiki pale by comparison...
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 11, 2008 6:11 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
The thing of it is, most of the names are very repetitive and it seems to be a matter of learning the elements and order.

Aston almost invariably puts names in the following order (I'm not sure if this is exactly how it is in the Nihongi or if it is inspired by western naming conventions):

Given Name, Uji no Kabane, Rank.

So, let's take a few names:

Emishi, Soga no Oho-omi
Kamako, Nakatomi no Muraji
Ohoshima, Nakatomi no Muraji, of Jiki-dai-shi rank.

Sometimes we just have people listed by house and kabane (which is a rank of the House, or Clan, not of the individual. Thus anyone who is Nakatomi is 'Nakatomi no Muraji'. When the Nakatomi are promoted to 'Ason', suddenly everyone becomes 'Nakatomi no Ason'.

Then we have the various positions. So, for instance, when Kamako, Nakatomi no Oho-muraji becomes Naijin (or Naidaijin), he is often called:

Nakatomi no Naidaijin (The Nakatomi Middle Minister)
OR
Fujiwara no Naidaijin (The Fujiwara Middle Minister--called this because of his residence in Fujiwara, not because of his new uji, which came later).

Later, it does get extremely confusing because, as I mentioned, nobody seems to be able to keep the Nakatomi and Fujiwara separate in the last part of the Nihongi. Honestly, I kind of wonder if Nakatomi no Kamatari was ever REALLY given the name Fujiwara, or if, because he was famous as the Fujiwara no Naidaijin, his descendants and relatives took the name and then claimed that it had been granted by Tenchi Tennou (after Tenchi had passed away and could no longer dispute their claim).

For us today, it is often a question of how do we talk about the person(s) in question. Do we say Kamatari, Fujiwara no Oho-omi; or do we say Fujiwara no Oho-omi no Kamatari? Or something else entirely?

-Josh
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 12, 2008 1:29 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Thanks-that helps sort out some of the naming confusion for me (that, and Papinot...)
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 12, 2008 3:25 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
As I was mentioning, Fujiwara no Fuhito was assisting with the restructuring of the government, including creating new provinces. Beyond that, he also helped institute more granular levels of provincial control. One effect this had was to placate provincial leaders, whose prestige had been lessened by the centralization of the court. By creating more of a bureaucracy in the provinces, as well, it gave ambitious men outside of the court a system in which to fit. In the previous situation there had been too few jobs of significance for the number of potential applicants, which would have eventually led to destabilization of the realm (according to Inoue).

With this kind of political attention to detail, Fujiwara no Fuhito was a powerful force in the court, and I would say that he, as much as his father, probably contributed greatly to the continuing success of the Fujiwara family.

====================
Now, here's a little more information before we try to put this all together. Inoue points to some information in a mid-Heian work called "Okagami". We'll be referencing it in detail later. The copy I have was translated by Helen Craig McCullough, and it is interesting in that it is a history told as a story. However, when combined with other sources, it may prove of interest.

First, it gives a much more detailed account of Kamatari:

He was a native of Hitachi[1], it says, and goes on with an elegant flourish to describe Emperor Tenji bestowing on him the Fujiwara name and that "We regard him as the founder of the Fujiwara family--the ancestor of all those Emperors, Empresses, ministers of state, and senior nobles."

Okagami relates that Emperor Tenji gave Kamatari one of the Imperial consorts, and told him that if she had a boy, the son would be Kamatari's, but if it was a girl, it would be the Emperor's. It was a boy, so he was made Kamatari's second son (he already had a son and a daughter, according to the account). Later he had two more girls and two more boys by the former consort. Both girls became consorts of Emperor Temmu.[2]

The oldest son of Kamatari (according to this source) was Nakatomi no Omimaro (a name you may remember from the Nihongi). He eventually became a Consultant (Sangi? It is unclear in the translation what position is meant).

His second son is named as Fuhito, and Okagami claims that he was actually the son of Tenchi, via the pregnant consort given to Kamatari. According to the author, his name means "unequaled".[3] His posthumous name (we learn from the translator) was Tankaiko.

Kamatari's two other sons are listed as Umakai and Maro, but these are actually thought to be Fuhito's sons, along with Muchimaro and Fusasaki.

Some stories of the Fujiwara line:
When a member of the Ki family heard that Kamatari had been named Fujiwara he said: "A tree [ki] dies when a wisteria vine [fuji] twines around it. This will be the end of the house of Ki."

Kamatari once fell ill. Buddhism had not yet fully spread, but he commissioned a nun to read the Vimalakirti Sutra, and he revived. Since then, he was a believer in the power of that sutra.

Fuhito was posthumously named as 'Chancellor' (Kampaku?).

I'll stop there for now.

Let's bring all this in a little bit. Can anyone summarize what is going on here? What do people see in these snippets of history and legend? What questions are we left with?

I'll try to refrain from posting anything about Fuhito's sons until Monday or Tuesday (hard though that will be...) Smile

-Josh

[1]Actually, Inoue says that current scholarship points to him coming from Fujiwara, in modern Takechi, but it is likely his ancestors had come from Hitachi and there is at least one tutelary deity at the Fujiwara family shrine (Kasuga Taisha) that is also worshiped at Kashima Grand Shrine, which may have had a hand in Kamatari's rise to power. Kashima district was supposedly created in 649, according to the information in Inoue.

[2]The author appears confused, for he mistakes Emperor Temmu for Prince Otomo, whom we may remember from the Jishin War, was actually the loser. It was his brother, Prince Oama, who became Temmu. Thus we wonder if the consorts were for Emperor Temmu or his brother. In either case we know of at least one Fujiwara daughter becoming an Imperial consort of Emperor Temmu, according to the Nihongi.

[3]Inoue claims that Fuhito is more likely a reference to 'scribe'--Fuhito or Fubito appears to be a general name for scribes in the ancient bureaucracy.
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 12, 2008 8:23 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
I can't resist the temptation. Mustn't post this, but can't help myself!

A lot of guys get a rise out of this particular Fujiwara. Here's a picture from Norika-chan's actual wedding. Josh-- you should like the costumes! Wink


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PostPosted: Thu Jun 12, 2008 9:03 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
I love his. Her, well, her hair is up in that unsightly coiffure--proper ladies would let their hair flow elegantly down behind them. And the cut of her dress is just off. I mean, it looks fine standing, but would it properly trail elegantly behind her as she sat behind a screen listening to poetry? Come on.

Just remember to think: WWSSD? (What would Sei Shonagon do?)

Wink

-Josh
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PostPosted: Fri Jun 13, 2008 2:56 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
"She wore a number of lined robes in different hues and her lustrous hair of which every strand seemed polished, brushed the hem of her red-plum bombycine mantle, longer than her height by seven or eight inches. The aristocratic refinement of her features was softened by a radiant charm that made her, Michinaga thought, almost too beautiful for her parents' peace of mind."

from A Tale of Flowering Fortunes.

Proving that the written word does infinitely more than a photo can Just Kidding

(though I have to say I'm not sure about the translator's choice of bombycine which if you didn't know means 'pertaining to silkworms' Laughing )
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PostPosted: Fri Jun 13, 2008 5:03 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Okay, starting to bring everything together.

While the early histories are murky, I think we can put together a portrait of what's possibly going on here. We'll start wtih the great houses and move our way through to Fuhito. Take a look also at the social changes that are happening at this time.


The great houses (e.g. Soga, Nakatomi, Ki, etc.) are still quite powerful and fairly independent. By the end of the 6th century the Yamato polity has extended its reach most of the way through Japan, except for a few places. In the northeast, they designate the 'wild' areas as 'Michi no oku'--the end of the road. Later called 'Mutsu'. While the politics of the period are centered mainly around the Yamato area, political power comes as much from the provinces as elsewhere.

In addition, there appears to be a fairly steady stream of people coming in from the mainland. Whether fleeing the wars in China and Korea, or coming for more scholarly pursuits, the population centers are growing. Any influx of foreign peoples like this are also going to be bringing in foreign ideas. We see this with Buddhism, brought in by Prince Shotoku and the Soga clan. As a large part of the political capital of the time appears to be invested in religious pursuits, this is more than just a simple moral question, but one of actual power.

The Nakatomi, whose position in court is defined and justified by the existing beliefs in the kami and the divine ancestry of the Yamato people, was undoubtedly threatened by this new religion, and they oppose it. This sets off a power struggle in the upper echelons of the top five houses of the period, eventually ending in the defeat of the Nakatomi and the rise of the Soga, who use the new vehicle of Buddhism to support their growing influence over the court.

Along with Buddhism comes other Chinese ideas, including Chinese models of government. With a growing state, the Yamato polity cannot continue to rely on the traditional methods of governance, and looks to mainland ideas to provide a more stable example.

Personally, I would categorize the early Yamato state as a feudal or proto-feudal apparatus: You had various clans who formed a hierarchy, with the Yamato dynasty at the top (I'm not sure that the term 'tennou' existed until after the adoption of Chinese government). Various clans ruled through a combination of religious and hereditary authority. Below the top uji, you had various other families as well as occupational groups (the -tomo and -be) that served the more prominent uji.

The Chinese model was based more on the concept of a meritocratic bureaucracy, with the Emperor at its head. Steps are taken in this direction in the early 7th century with reforms to introduce the kan'i (cap-rank) ranking system, which distinguishes the individual above and beyond any family ties. Power, however, is still vested in a very few families; and if the accounts are to be believe, by the mid-7th century the power is in the hands of one family almost exclusively.

The rise of the Soga shows the abuses of the traditional Yamato system, where a family could intertwine itself intimately with the head of the state and rise above the rest. It is one of the earliest examples we have, in fact, of the marriage politics in action.

Oddly enough, one could almost point to the Soga's success as being the key to their downfall. They had ridden the new religion of Buddhism into power and had championed Chinese learning. The Confucian values within that learning, however, were antithetical to the very nature of the Soga's power base, which was built on the concept of hereditary rulership, rather than any form of merit. Thus it was that the Nakatomi, in the form of Nakatomi no Kamatari (then known as Kamako) were able to exploit this contradiction.

Rather than opposing the incoming Chinese thought, Kamatari seems to have embraced it. As head of the traditional religion of the kami, he also has a good deal of political sway amongst the traditionalists. Through some brilliant politicking in which he gathers alliances not only within the Imperial household--including the crown prince, heir apparent, Prince Naka-no-Oe--but also within the Soga clan itself, he rallies the forces of reform to strike out against the Soga. By orchestrating the assassination of the two most powerful members of the Soga family, he throws their household into disarray.

Whether Kamatari was the mastermind behind the reforms of 645 or whether he was a co-conspirator with Prince Naka-no-Oe seems up for debate. Certainly the two seem of one mind within the Chronicles, and Kamatari obviously had the political acumen to see it through. Regardless, they enacted changes that would continue the progression of a Chinese style government.

Undoubtedly, people were initially jubilant at the concept of change and reform, likely believing that it would provide chances for their families to rise to new and greater heights. Change, though, is often easier said than done. This is perhaps evidenced through the apparent lack of substantive, sweeping change during the next three reigns (Kotoku, Saimei, and Tenchi). It does, however, lay the groundwork for eventual reform, promoting a Chinese government structure and continuing to refine the rank system of individual reward and merit.

He also appears--according to later stories--to have accepted Buddhism, which would have truly helped the foundations of the growing 'Shinto-Buddhist' connections that would be peculiar to Japanese religion in the coming millennia. It is likely that, as a gifted politician, Kamatari was less concerned about religion and more about perception--and Buddhism was the popular religion of the day. I would liken his faith in Buddhism, to some extent, with Constantine's acceptance of Christianity. While their may be questions as to their motives, the outcomes of their decisions helped shape their respective nations.

In addition, if the legends of later times are to believed, Kamatari was already involving himself in the same marriage politics of the Soga, which would eventually become the hallmark of Japanese politics through the end of the Heian period. Whether Fuhito was actually the son of Tenchi Tennou is debatable--I'd even question whether or not Kamatari's name was ever officially changed to 'Fujiwara' during his lifetime or if that was a later attempt to make official his unofficial moniker as the Fujiwara Naidaijin. Nonetheless, we see evidence that at least one of his daughters intermarried with the Imperial line, and the others may have as well. The Nakatomi see a chance again at court, though we don't see much from Kamatari's direct progeny until after the fateful Jishin War.

Though brief, the Jishin War was a civil war, and the effects of such can never be discounted. It upset the balance of the court once again, less than 30 years after the assassination of the Soga ministers. With Temmu Tennou's rise to power, he brings with him men of relatively lowly families, while those in power, supporting his nephew, suffer. Still, Temmu cannot govern the realm strictly through force of arms, and the great families maintain enough clout to reestablish themselves in his court.

A decade after the conflict, we once again we see the Nakatomi in a powerful position as the heads of the kami based religion. Three years later, we see the Nakatomi minister using the Fujiwara name (though there is no evidence he was a Fujiwara descendant, and considering the source, this could be an anachronism based on the stories of later generations). Over the course of Temmu and Jito's reigns we see a trend towards the phasing out of the Nakatomi name, being replaced by the Fujiwara, at least by those in power.

The truly powerful figure that seems to arise in this period is Kamatari's son, Fuhito. While other Nakatomi and Fujiwara names grace the pages of the chronicles, it is Fuhito (or Fubito) who spawns a lineage that will find itself in or around the halls of power for the next 500 years. If you think about it, this feat eclipses that of any military dynasty afterwards. In fact, it eclipses the power of almost any other family in the world that I can think of.

So, comments, please. I'm going to try to give Nagaeyari a chance to get in--I know he's upset we started without him, but I just couldn't hold it in Smile Besides, I'll need him over the next week as I may be the one incommunicado for much of the time.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 19, 2008 9:39 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Alright, guys, I'm back! And I'm sick! So that either means lots of downtime to read and post or lots of feeling too sick to do anything but lay in bed. I'm feeling good now, so let's get moving :P

I'm gonna need a little bit to read through everything, as there's a whole lot here to read! You guys have posted a ton.

Here's my first approach:

藤原鎌足 Fujiwara no Kamatari or 中臣鎌足 Nakatomi no Kamatari
614-669

The Nakatomi had a long history of serving the Yamato as court Shinto ritualists. It was into this prestigious family that Kamatari was born in 614. I could not find his birth mentioned in the Nihon Shoki. Similar to Shotoku Taishi (who would die less than 10 years after Kamatari’s birth), Kamatari was a born-scholar. Even though the Nakatomi were Shinto ritualists, Kamatari apparently studied under the tutelage of the Buddhist priest, Min. Iwao Seiichi (Biographical Dictionary of Japanese History) mentions this fact in his biographical blurb on Kamatari, but I can find no mention of that in the Nihon Shoki. Of course, the Nihon Shoki is quite a beast to navigate without an index. Therefore, I want to be able to say this:

It is to the life of Min (Bin 旻) that we can look to find an early influence in Kamatari’s life. Min’s birth is unknown, but he is said to have died in 653. In 608, a Sui envoy arrived in Japan, and on the return voyage to China, Min, and a group led by Ono no Imoko followed. Because Min did not return to Japan until 632, we can only assume that Kamatari was at least the age of 18 when he began his studies under the Buddhist priest. Iwao Seiichi brings up a very interesting piece of information: “[Min’s] object in going to China had been to study, but while there he had observed the fall of the Sui dynasty in 618 and the founding of a new dynasty, the T’ang. Because of the experience and knowledge that he had acquired in China, he was appointed in 645 as a kuni-hakase, Scholar of the State, along with Takamuku no Kuromaro and joined the group headed by Prince Naka no Oe in drawing up the measures known as the Taika Reforms” (48). I have a feeling that Min was influential in either the push towards the Iruka assassination in hopes for future reform or in the actualization of the Taika Reforms after the assassination. In any case, his knowledge of things Chinese were influential in the grand changes around 645.

However, if we look at XXV. 4. of Kotoku in the Nihon Shoki, we find: “The Buddhist priest Min Houshi and Kuromaro Takamuko no Fubito were made national doctors” (Aston 197). The very introductory nature of this sentence leads me to believe that Kamatari’s involvement with Min was mostly after Min’s appointment to kuni-hakase. Such an appointment would probably bring Min into frequent contact with Kamatari. Therefore, the early connection I was trying to make between the two figures doesn’t seem as probable.

I tried searching this text of the Nihon Shoki for clues as to any previous relationship between Min and Kamatari, but to no avail.

I searched for 旻 and found reference to his appointment as kuni-hakase (以沙門旻法師。高向史玄理為国博士), but that's pretty much it. I then searched for 藤原 and found lots of references to 藤原内大臣, but never were the two involved with each other. I am beginning to think that Iwao Seiichi's comment was more color commentary than analysis of the Nihon Shoki.

Can anyone find anything more concrete on the relationship (or lack thereof) between the two figures? If we can get a sure verdict, I think it will be valuable.
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 19, 2008 3:03 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Torn between my efforts to study Japanese and my desire to keep reading up on this topic, I compromised and cracked open 「もう一度学びたい:古事記と日本書紀」.

Still reading through it, but here's some main points:

The Soga family was growing in power during the first half of the 7th century. So much so that Soga no Emishi 蘇我蝦夷 and Soga no Iruka 蘇我入鹿 picked out their future mausoleums and labeled them using the term 陵墓 ryoubo, which is a term used for the graves of emperors. If that wasn't impudent enough, Soga no Iruka was becoming more and more impudent and absorbed with his own power. In 643 (Kougyoku 皇極 2年), Emishi fell ill and made Iruka the Minister 大臣.

With Iruka at the head of his family (the Soga Family 蘇我氏), things only continued in the same direction.

During a succession dispute earlier, Emishi had backed Prince Furuhito no Ouji. Prince Furuhito was the brother of Crown Prince Naka no Oue and therefore a son of Emperor Jomei 舒明天皇. They may have had different mothers, but it is certain that one of Soga no Umako's daughters was Furuhito's mother. I haven't checked the Nihon Shoki yet, but もう一度学びたい gives me the impression that Emishi had backed Emperor Jomei, himself, years earlier. So, Emishi = supporter of Jomei's line. Irony? Crown Prince Naka no Oue is in said line. Why is this ironic? He will be one of the members of the 645 coup.

This 641 succession dispute (fueled by Jomei's death) was therefore between Prince Yamashiro 山背大兄王, the son of Shotoku Taishi 聖徳太子 and Prince Furuhito no Ouji.

Soga no Iruka wasted no time and attacked Ikaruga Temple 斑鳩寺, where Prince Yamashiro and his family was staying. They began to flee, but the thought of those left behind being slaughtered, apparently, drove him to return to the temple and commit suicide with his wife and children (plural for both, perhaps). Interestingly, Soga no Emishi is reported to have, on hearing the news, called his son a fool and warn him that his life was now in danger.

While this secured the succession and increased Soga power, Iruka's high-handed measures had grave consequences.

The Be System 部民制度 was apparently not in great shape during the middle-7th century: it was 行き詰まり (would "stagnant" be a good translation?). Also, isolation and exclusivity at court among the great families was increasing. もう一度学びたい credits the failing Be System and Iruka's intensifying political attitude and actions. The great families 豪族 were also in opposition to one another.

On the mainland, Tang China 唐 was encroaching on Koguryo 高句麗 and Chinese-Korean relations were tense. It was only natural that a remedy would need to be found to keep "Japan" safe from East Asian political disputes.

Slowly getting my feet back into the subject. More to come.
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PostPosted: Thu Jun 19, 2008 3:39 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
One step towards my answer:

Josh, you mentioned a "Minabuchi" that left in 608 to China. My Min/Bin 旻 also left in 608 for China. I believe we have a match!

This means that Kamatari and Naka no Oe would have learned of Korean and Chinese encroachments on each other and in the general direction of Japan and of the various coups and power struggles on the continent.

However, if the two went to Min/Minabuchi in order to "study" Chinese classics, then the situation is more like meeting a like-mind instead of being influenced to action by a mentor.
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PostPosted: Fri Jun 20, 2008 8:27 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Nagaeyari, glad to see you! Hope you're feeling better. I just got back myself, and will be around for a little while.

I think that your correlation of Min = Minabuchi is probably correct. I was thinking that as I read your post, as a matter of fact. FYI, I'm mostly working off of Aston's translation for the Nihongi, and that's the name he uses. I also regret the lack of an index--well, there is one, but it is not the most helpful.

Regarding the influence of what was happening on the mainland, how 'current' would Japan's information have been?

608 - we have an embassy from China
~611 - We have an embassy from Korea.
618 - Mission comes from Koguryo with report of an invasion attempt by China.
625 - A Buddhist monk is sent to Japan by the king of Koguryo.
642 - Another mission from Koguryo
647 - A mission from Silla.

That's according to "Across the Perilous Sea" by Charlotte von Verschuer.

So they likely would have had a fairly up to date understanding of the politics of the continent, but I'm not quite getting your connection between the coup of 645 and those continental struggles... were there not enough power struggles within Japan's own history to use as examples?

-Josh
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PostPosted: Mon Jun 23, 2008 1:51 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
I'm going to leave this thread to keep talking about the origins of what was happening, but I'm going to try to take us forward at the same time.

So, if you want to keep going forward, join me for Part II.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Mon Jun 23, 2008 7:45 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
JLBadgley wrote:
Regarding the influence of what was happening on the mainland, how 'current' would Japan's information have been?

608 - we have an embassy from China
~611 - We have an embassy from Korea.
618 - Mission comes from Koguryo with report of an invasion attempt by China.
625 - A Buddhist monk is sent to Japan by the king of Koguryo.
642 - Another mission from Koguryo
647 - A mission from Silla.

That's according to "Across the Perilous Sea" by Charlotte von Verschuer.

So they likely would have had a fairly up to date understanding of the politics of the continent, but I'm not quite getting your connection between the coup of 645 and those continental struggles... were there not enough power struggles within Japan's own history to use as examples?



Quote:
I'm not quite getting your connection between the coup of 645 and those continental struggles... were there not enough power struggles within Japan's own history to use as examples?


I would say "no" -- not of the magnitude of what was going on on the continent. Minabuchi was witness to many of the power struggles, invasions, and the dynasty change in China, so I can't help but think that his political ideology was in some way affected. Bruce Batten argues in his Monumenta Nipponica article, "Foreign Threat and Domestic Reform: The Emergence of the Ritsuryo State", that fear of invasion one of the three strongest (IIRC) factors that pushed Japan into the Ritsuryo State.

Nakatomi no Kamatari and Naka no Ooe no Ouji would have known of foreign political upheavals and invasions through the envoys that appeared on the Japanese shores, but would not people like Minabuchi made the urgency a reality through their own personal experiences?
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PostPosted: Mon Jun 23, 2008 9:45 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
JLBadgley wrote:
According to the Nihongi, their relationship began with Prince Naka no Oe's shoe went flying off in a game of kemari.


I often read that it was Kemari, but Aston's Nihongi says "dakiu" and my もう一度学びたい says 打毬 ちょうきゅう (da and chou being alternate readings).

Here is a movie of choukyuu:
http://www.map-movie.org/vmovie-8162-fsdZqoZ2aZs.html

I thought that perhaps Kemari and Choukyuu/dakyuu was the same thing, but the kanji for Kemari is 蹴鞠.

Why is Kemari often cited as the game being played? The description in the Nihongi seems to describe a very Kemari-like game.
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PostPosted: Mon Jun 23, 2008 2:14 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
I said 'kemari' because that was the first ball game I had heard of, and I didn't check the Japanese in the Nihongi. In addition, kemari seems so much like the games I see in SE Asia that I have an image in my mind that it is the quintessential 'kicking' sport.

That said, a part of me was wondering, even as I wrote it, whether or not it was Kemari.


I could swear that I've seen a story about this, but I couldn't find it. It was a scroll, showing men in Heian era clothing, where one man gets the shoe of the other. The story, as I recall, was that others laughed when the prince's shoe went flying, but the man who retrieved it did not. Thus he and the prince became friends. However, I cannot verify this story right now, and I don't know if it was this particular episode. It is always depicted as a game of kemari, however.


-Josh
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PostPosted: Mon Jun 23, 2008 2:28 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
nagaeyari wrote:
I would say "no" -- not of the magnitude of what was going on on the continent. Minabuchi was witness to many of the power struggles, invasions, and the dynasty change in China, so I can't help but think that his political ideology was in some way affected. Bruce Batten argues in his Monumenta Nipponica article, "Foreign Threat and Domestic Reform: The Emergence of the Ritsuryo State", that fear of invasion one of the three strongest (IIRC) factors that pushed Japan into the Ritsuryo State.


Do we know how old Minabuchi was?

He came over in 608, it would seem. The Sui Dynasty had been in power since 581, and it wouldn't fall to the Tang until 617. So I guess the question is: Where was Minabuchi.

Did he come from China in 608, or had he left Japan and gone to China in 608. If so, when did he come back?

Even if he witnessed the overthrow of the Sui and the Tang, I still don't see how that influences his politics. After all, we aren't talking 'Mandate of Heaven', are we?

I can, however, see the fear of an invasion being a factor in the Ritsuryo period. With the failed invasion of the Korean peninsula, perhaps Japan was worried about China succeeding, and then eventually eying Japan. Or perhaps they were concerned about one of the Korean kingdoms. This would require a stronger, more unified state.

Couldn't we argue that it was already headed in that direction, though? Chinese style governmental reforms had been taking place since at least the early 7th century. While the Taika reforms appear to be sweeping, was the assassination of the powerful Soga leadership motivated by anything other than a desire to wrest away political control, combined with a widespread resentment against those currently in power?

I just don't see them needing a push from Minabuchi in carrying out this deed. Perhaps in the reforms that came later, yes, but not in the initial coup d'etat. I believe that has been happening throughout human history, and it is how well they do afterward that determines their status in the chronicles.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 24, 2008 7:40 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Alright, I'll go along with what you're saying.

But I'm sick of people underestimating my homeboy Minabuchi. Dog deserves props Just Kidding
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 24, 2008 9:47 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Well, in that case, let's not forget that he was made a 'Doctor' of the new regime, and was likely considered one of the top scholars of his day. I have no doubts he contributed greatly to the Taika reforms and helped shape the future political structure of Yamato.

-Josh
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